1980-albert.pdf: “Exceptionally Gifted Boys and Their Parents”, Robert S. Albert (1980-10-01):
In an effort to explore some of the possible early-experiential and family variables involved in the achievement of eminence we have developed a model of cognitive and personality development and have undertaken a longitudinal study of two distinct groups of exceptionally gifted boys and their families. In this report, early similarities and differences between two groups of exceptionally gifted boys and their families will be explored. Methodology: This is a longitudinal study of two samples of healthy, exceptionally gifted boys and their families. One group consisted of 26 of the highest scorers in the 1976 Math Talent Search conducted by Julian Stanley (1974, 1977); the second group of 26 boys living in southern California were selected only on the basis of IQ’s of 150 or higher.
…Factors included for study were parents’ and grand-parents’ educational attainment, parents’ and subjects’ birth-order, subjects’ and parents’ creative potential, and subjects’ cognitive giftedness.
- Both samples were well-educated and had attained statistically-significantly more formal education than the national norms.
- The birth-orders of the two samples are what one would expect from the literature of gifted children and they are not statistically-significantly different from one another.
- A surprisingly remarkable similarity exists between the two samples of cognitively gifted boys, although they were selected a year apart, a continent apart, and on the basis of distinctly different test performances. We expected them to perform better on the figural and the math/
science subtests of the Wallach-Kogan and BIC measures, respectively, and the high-IQ sample to perform statistically-significantly better on the verbal and the art/ writing subtests. Instead, the differences between the samples are slight and not statistically-significant. At minimum, these results suggest that the two samples are each made of highly talented, cognitively gifted boys in the ares of art/ writing and math/ science as measured by standard instruments. Second, these results further indicate the versatility that accompanies exceptional giftedness…Table 1 shows that the parents of both groups of exceptionally gifted boys are themselves exceptionally creative. Parents of both groups outperformed Duke University subjects. Furthermore, the parents definitely showed more creative potential than their children. It is the parents of the high-IQ boys who have the highest creativity scores of all.
…We believe the results of the present study and those of Milgram et al. show that cognitive giftedness and creative giftedness are very much related to one another and may be manifestations of the same complex, multi-faceted abilities. Therefore, it should not surprise us that there is a large degree of family cognitive and creative similarity.
1993-sowell.pdf: “Programs for Mathematically Gifted Students: A Review of Empirical Research”, Evelyn J. Sowell (1993):
This paper summarizes and critiques the empirical research of the 1970s and 1980s on programs for mathematically gifted students. Much research has shown that accelerating the mathematics curriculum provides a very good program for precocious students. Organizational plans that place mathematically gifted students together for mathematics instruction also offer opportunities for these students to perform well. Although technology-based instruction also appears to provide an efficacious way of providing instruction for mathematically gifted elementary students, this method should be examined further with older students and in long-term studies. Research with enriched curricula and non-computer-based instruction provided inconclusive evidence of efficacy for mathematically gifted students.
1994-subotnik-beyondterman.pdf: “Beyond Terman: contemporary longitudinal studies of giftedness and talent”, Rena F. Subotnik, Karen D. Arnold (1994):
Beyond Terman: Contemporary Longitudinal Studies of Giftedness and Talent is an important contribution to the literature in two fields—those of gifted education and educational research. It is important for the former in terms of the insights and understandings it provides about giftedness and its nurture. It is important for the latter for its elucidations of the methodology associated with longitudinal research. The editors point out that “[the] volume presents recent collected works that demonstrate the fit between longitudinal methodology and the central issues of gifted education. Collectively, the studies investigate the early determinants of later academic and career achievement and creativity while employing varied identification practices, perspectives, theoretical orientations, and populations.”
The studies described vary along many dimensions, including research problem, sample size and character, length of study, data collection procedures and sources, and longitudinal orientation (i.e., emergent/
developmental or retrospective). The studies deal with a variety of talent areas, such as academic achievement, science, technical creativity, music, creative and productive thinking, and career development. The samples include gifted and talented children, youths, and adults, both males and females. Although most of the studies deal with identified gifted/ talented individuals, one is a retrospective look at the achievements of graduate students in a university-level leadership education program. Studies originating in Germany and Israel add an international flavor and, more importantly, remind us that there is good research being conducted beyond the borders of the U.S.
As the premiere longitudinal investigation of a gifted population, the Terman study set a standard of comprehensiveness, large study sample, and societal influence that is difficult to supersede. In spite of the Terman study’s large number of research associates and rich sources of funding support, the data are still being organized for more accurate statistical analysis and examined for more challenging research questions. Further, the Genetic Studies of Genius and its more current follow-ups did not address key questions of concern in today’s social, political, and historical climate, or issues of central importance in the future. The investigations in this book have established a groundwork for answering previously unanswered questions: Are we identifying the “right” people? What are the outcomes associated with various forms of identification and intervention?
Over the course of his long career, Terman’s perspective on high IQ as a source for potential genius changed to allow personality, interest, special abilities, and opportunity to play a growing role in adult achievement. In filling a vacuum left by Terman, this collection of contemporary studies can guide policy and program development based on the conditions and interventions that contribute to the fulfillment of talent.
2013-kell.pdf: “Who Rises to the Top?: Early Indicators”, Harrison J. Kell, David Lubinski, Camilla P. Benbow (2013-03-26):
Youth identified before age 13 (n = 320) as having profound mathematical or verbal reasoning abilities (top 1 in 10,000) were tracked for nearly three decades. Their awards and creative accomplishments by age 38, in combination with specific details about their occupational responsibilities, illuminate the magnitude of their contribution and professional stature. Many have been entrusted with obligations and resources for making critical decisions about individual and organizational well-being. Their leadership positions in business, health care, law, the professoriate, and STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) suggest that many are outstanding creators of modern culture, constituting a precious human-capital resource. Identifying truly profound human potential, and forecasting differential development within such populations, requires assessing multiple cognitive abilities and using atypical measurement procedures. This study illustrates how ultimate criteria may be aggregated and longitudinally sequenced to validate such measures. [Keywords: cognitive abilities, creativity, human capital, intelligence, profoundly gifted, STEM]
2016-makel.pdf: “When Lightning Strikes Twice”, Matthew C. Makel, Harrison J. Kell, David Lubinski, Martha Putallaz, Camilla P. Benbow (2016-07-01):
The educational, occupational, and creative accomplishments of the profoundly gifted participants (IQs ⩾ 160) in the Study of Mathematically Precocious Youth (SMPY) are astounding, but are they representative of equally able 12-year-olds? Duke University’s Talent Identification Program (TIP) identified 259 young adolescents who were equally gifted. By age 40, their life accomplishments also were extraordinary: Thirty-seven percent had earned doctorates, 7.5% had achieved academic tenure (4.3% at research-intensive universities), and 9% held patents; many were high-level leaders in major organizations. As was the case for the SMPY sample before them, differential ability strengths predicted their contrasting and eventual developmental trajectories—even though essentially all participants possessed both mathematical and verbal reasoning abilities far superior to those of typical Ph.D. recipients. Individuals, even profoundly gifted ones, primarily do what they are best at. Differences in ability patterns, like differences in interests, guide development along different paths, but ability level, coupled with commitment, determines whether and the extent to which noteworthy accomplishments are reached if opportunity presents itself. [Keywords: intelligence, creativity, giftedness, replication, blink comparator]
2019-bernstein.pdf: “Psychological Constellations Assessed at Age 13 Predict Distinct Forms of Eminence 35 Years Later”, Brian O. Bernstein, David Lubinski,, Camilla P. Benbow (2019):
This investigation examined whether math/
scientific and verbal/ humanistic ability and preference constellations, developed on intellectually talented 13-year-olds to predict their educational outcomes at age 23, continue to maintain their longitudinal potency by distinguishing distinct forms of eminence 35 years later. Eminent individuals were defined as those who, by age 50, had accomplished something rare: creative and highly impactful careers (e.g., full professors at research-intensive universities, Fortune 500 executives, distinguished judges and lawyers, leaders in biomedicine, award-winning journalists and writers). Study 1 consisted of 677 intellectually precocious youths, assessed at age 13, whose leadership and creative accomplishments were assessed 35 years later. Study 2 constituted a constructive replication—an analysis of 605 top science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) graduate students, assessed on the same predictor constructs early in graduate school and assessed again 25 years later. In both samples, the same ability and preference parameter values, which defined math/ scientific versus verbal/ humanistic constellations, discriminated participants who ultimately achieved distinct forms of eminence from their peers pursuing other life endeavors.
2020-bernstein.pdf: “Academic Acceleration in Gifted Youth and Fruitless Concerns Regarding Psychological Well-Being: A 35–Year Longitudinal Study”, Brian O. Bernstein, David Lubinski, Camilla P. Benbow (2020-07-02):
Academic acceleration of intellectually precocious youth is believed to harm overall psychological well-being even though short-term studies do not support this belief. Here we examine the long-term effects. Study 1 involves three cohorts identified before age 13, then longitudinally tracked for over 35 years: Cohort 1 gifted (top 1% in ability, identified 1972–1974, n = 1,020), Cohort 2 highly gifted (top 0.5% in ability, identified 1976–1979, n = 396), and Cohort 3 profoundly gifted (top 0.01% in ability, identified 1980–1983, n = 220). Two forms of educational acceleration were examined: (a) age at high school graduation and (b) quantity of advanced learning opportunities pursued prior to high school graduation. Participants were evaluated at age 50 on several well-known indicators of psychological well-being. Amount of acceleration did not covary with psychological well-being. Study 2, a constructive replication of Study 1, used a different high-potential sample—elite science, technology, engineering, and mathematics graduate students (n = 478) identified in 1992. Their educational histories were assessed at age 25 and they were followed up at age 50 using the same psychological assessments. Again, the amount of educational acceleration did not covary with psychological well-being. Further, the psychological well-being of participants in both studies was above the average of national probability samples. Concerns about long-term social/
emotional effects of acceleration for high-potential students appear to be unwarranted, as has been demonstrated for short-term effects. [Keywords: gifted, acceleration, replication, appropriate developmental placement, psychological well-being]
Impact Statement: Best practices suggest that acceleration in one of its many forms is educationally efficacious for meeting the advanced learning needs of intellectually precocious youth. Yet, parents, teachers, academic administrators, and psychological theorists worry that this practice engenders negative psychological effects. A three-cohort study of intellectually precocious youth followed for 35 years suggests that there is no cause for concern. These findings were replicated on a sample of elite STEM graduates whose educational histories were assessed at age 25 and tracked for 25 years.
2020-cardador.pdf: “Does More Mean Less? Interest Surplus and the Gender Gap in STEM Careers”, M. Teresa Cardador, Rodica Ioana Damian, Justin P. Wiegand (2020-06-08):
The persistent gender gap in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Math) career choice represents a perplexing problem for researchers and policy makers alike. We contribute to the body of research on the gender gap in STEM careers by testing a “surplus model” of vocational interests as a predictor of STEM career choice. The model suggests that, controlling for ability, female adolescents with strong STEM-related interest should be less likely to pursue STEM careers when they also have strong interests in other areas, due to wider career options. We tested the surplus model in a large national longitudinal data set and translated the results into differences in annual wages. Our findings illuminate the predictive validity of a surplus model of interests on STEM career choice across gender, provide insight into the gender gap in STEM, and suggest opportunities for future research. [Keywords: vocational interests, surplus model, stem gender gap, stem career choice]
2020-henshon.pdf: “In Search of Excellence: An Interview With Linda Brody”, Suzanna E. Henshon (2020-07-30):
[Short interview with Linda Brody, current director of Study of Exceptional Talent (SET) at the Johns Hopkins Center for Talented Youth (CTY); she originally started working for SMPY in the 1970s along with Cohn/
Pyryt/ Benbow and for Lynn Fox & Julian Stanley, leaving in 1991 for CTY. She specialized in “twice-exceptional students” (both gifted & disabled). SET is currently studying its alumni.]
2020-lubinski-2.pdf: “Intellectual Precocity: What Have We Learned Since Terman?”, David Lubinski, Camilla P. Benbow (2020-07-28):
Over the past 50 years, eight robust generalizations about intellectual precocity have emerged, been empirically documented, and replicated through longitudinal research. Within the top 1% of general and specific abilities (mathematical, spatial, and verbal) over one third of the range of individual differences are to be found, and they are meaningful. These individual differences in ability level and in pattern of specific abilities, which are uncovered by the use of above-level assessments, structure consequential quantitative and qualitative differences in educational, occupational, and creative outcomes. There is no threshold effect for abilities in predicting future accomplishments; and the concept of multipotentiality evaporates when assessments cover the full range of all three primary abilities. Beyond abilities, educational/
occupational interests add value in identifying optimal learning environments for precocious youth and, with the addition of conative variables, for modeling subsequent life span development. While overall professional outcomes of exceptionally precocious youth are as exceptional as their abilities, educational interventions of sufficient dosage enhance the probability of them leading exceptionally impactful careers and making creative contributions. Findings have made evident the psychological diversity within intellectually precocious populations, their meaningfulness, and the environmental diversity required to meet their learning needs. Seeing giftedness and interventions on their behalf categorically has held the field back. [Keywords: basic interpretive, mixed methods, psychometrics, assessment, creativity, gifted]
Is there an ability threshold, beyond which more ability doesn’t matter? No.
Does the pattern of specific abilities matter? Yes.
Is there evidence for multipotentiality? No.
Is ability pattern important for students with especially profound intellectual gifts? Yes.
occupational interests add value to ability assessments of intellectually precocious youth?Yes.
Given the contemporary emphasis placed on the identification and development of human capital in STEM disciplines, are there other important findings from the gifted field germane to this need? Yes.
Can educational interventions enhance learning and ultimate levels of creative expression? Yes.
Beyond ability, interest, and opportunity, are conative attributes important? Yes.
Has the study of intellectual precocity contributed to its parent disciplines in the educational and psychological sciences? Is there a common theme that cuts across the above empirical generalizations, which have been replicated over multiple decades? Yes. And yes.
Stoet and Geary (1) report important cross-cultural findings on how the advantage of females in reading proficiencies relative to males combined with more equitable educational opportunities have contributed to the recent overrepresentation of women in tertiary education. Developed nations vary in the extent to which males are underrepresented as a function of these two determinants, yet that they jointly contribute to a clear cross-cultural trend is undeniable. Hence, it is critical to assess personal proficiencies and the environmental contexts within which they operate to understand individual and gender differences in educational outcomes.
Further refinements in how far students progress in educational systems, why group disparities exit, and which specific disciplines students pursue are provided by examining other aspects of their individuality more holistically and simultaneously. This commentary places the assessment of human individuality into a broader (multidimensional) context. Major reviews of psychological research show that individual differences in both level and pattern of cognitive abilities and educational/
occupational interests are critical for understanding educational, occupational, and creative outcomes across the lifespan (2⇓–4). Incorporating cognitive abilities and interests into longitudinal research demonstrates how these two categories of psychological attributes give rise to different real-world accomplishments. That information allows us to understand each student’s individuality, their learning needs, and develop policies for best practices. This commentary is to give readers a better understanding of why both interindividual and intraindividual differences in abilities and interests must be considered when conceptualizing individual and group differences in real-life learning and work outcomes.
2020-schuur.pdf: “Social–Emotional Characteristics and Adjustment of Accelerated University Students: A Systematic Review”, Jolande Schuur, Marjolijn van Weerdenburg, Lianne Hoogeveen,, Evelyn H. Kroesbergen (2020-11-09):
Gifted students who experienced grade-based acceleration in primary or secondary education have to meet the challenges of adjusting to university at a younger age than students who did not accelerate. This systematic review critically evaluates the research on social–emotional characteristics and adjustment of these gifted accelerated university students. Based on a review of 22 studies, we may conclude that accelerated students did not differ very much in domains of social–emotional characteristics from their nonaccelerated gifted and nongifted peers. Factors that facilitated adjustment and well-being were cheerfulness, resilience, self-efficacy, a positive self-concept, high prior academic achievement, and supportive family environment. Furthermore, it was found that studies were incomplete in reporting the previous acceleration experiences of the students and that research on students who individually accelerated by 1 or 2 years was scarce. Future research should include individually accelerated students, previous acceleration experiences, gender differences, and comparison groups.